Robert O. Self
Autor(a) de American Babylon: Race and the Struggle for Postwar Oakland
About the Author
Robert O. Self, a professor of history at Brown University, is the author of American Babylon: Race and the Struggle for Postwar Oakland, which won numerous award, including the James A. Rawley Prize from the Organization of American Historians. He lives in Providence, Rhode Island.
Obras de Robert O. Self
Associated Works
Freedom North: Black Freedom Struggles Outside the South, 1940-1980 (2003) — Contribuinte — 36 cópias
In Search of the Black Panther Party: New Perspectives on a Revolutionary Movement (2006) — Contribuinte — 29 cópias
Etiquetado
Conhecimento Comum
- Nome padrão
- Self, Robert O.
- Data de nascimento
- 1968
- Sexo
- male
- Educação
- Oregon State University (BA|History and English|1991)
University of Washington (MA|Dept. of History|1993)
University of Washington (PhD|Dept. of History|1998) - Ocupação
- professor
- Organizações
- Brown University (associate professor of history)
Membros
Resenhas
Listas
Prêmios
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Associated Authors
Estatísticas
- Obras
- 2
- Also by
- 2
- Membros
- 219
- Popularidade
- #102,099
- Avaliação
- 3.9
- Resenhas
- 1
- ISBNs
- 6
Self argues that ideas of breadwinning and independence defined middleclass identity from the nineteenth century and that, “if men failed to become breadwinners and support families…it was a personal failure, not a social one” (pg. 19). While African Americans attempted to use masculinity to validate the black power movement, whites found black masculinity threatening. Echoing K.A. Curodileone’s discussion of Cold War masculinity, Self writes, “The Cold War draft was fraught with anxiety for many American men, not least because it entailed an encounter with the military’s sexual regime” (pg. 75). The military represented a force for heteronormative masculinity. Worse, the troubles in Vietnam threatened the masculinity of the military. Later, women responded to this archaic masculinity by casting “the female body as the site of political struggle, the place where the intimate and personal became the legal and public, where the personal became the political” (pg. 134). Feminists placed birth control and control of one’s body at the forefront of the political battle in order to claim their power in the public sphere. Alongside all of this, questions arose over “what role should the government play in the regulation of sexual knowledge and who ought to set the terms of sex itself – men or women” (pg. 190). New publications disseminated information about sex and the body. In response, “the anti-sex-education activists viewed the family, not the government, as the natural site of morality, ethics, and responsibility” (pg. 200). Self approaches the neoconservative revolution, arguing, “Only by considering the politics of gender, sex, and sexuality in tandem with – and just embedded in – the politics of race can we understand how breadwinner conservatism. For some whites, racial animosity fueled their breadwinner politics…For others, struggles over gender, sex, and family were enough to propel them rightward” (pg. 275). In the 1976 campaign, “‘Family’ had quite suddenly and powerfully joined communism and civil rights as the battlegrounds on which conservatives would wage war against liberalism” (pg. 309-310). Conservative evangelicalism helped to bind these traditionally conservative, yet disparate thoughts together. When Self writes of Reagan, he argues, “The gushy nostalgia among conservatives for Reagan in the twenty-first century has obscured the reality of that era’s conservatism, which met success and failure in equal measure” (pg. 367). Self argues that the greatest success of Reagan was to shift “the political debate about American citizenship away from rights toward government provision – what government ought to provide” (pg. 398). Further, “it recast liberalism for large numbers of Americans as a moral threat rather than as a lift up” (pg. 398). While there were other victories for the left into the early 2000s, the conservatives successfully changed the terms of the debate.… (mais)